Here is the dirty little secret about electoral politics: If your state reliably votes for one party or the other, then nobody gives a fuck about it. Democrats don't give a shit about Wyoming and Republicans don't give a fuck about Connecticut.
Florida has shifted from a swing state to a red state. As such, expect that when it comes to issues that voting blocs in Florida care about (Cuban policy being one), less and less attention will be paid to what those blocs want.
That is just the way it goes.
Beyond that, Florida is a place where the state government believes that "freedom" means "the freedom to agree with us". In that regard, DeSantis and his regime is no different that that of Castro's or Hugo Chavez's or the USSR.
Q Toon: Barbarians Matt the Gaetz
1 hour ago
6 comments:
Funny how you don't apply that same reasoning to reliably Blue states innit?
But, if it weren't for double standards.....
First off, I see that reading comprehension is reliably not your thing.
Second, I am unaware of the state governments of Connecticut and other reliably blue states seeking to withdraw tax status of corporations that displease them, as your puny second-rate god, Ron the Short, has done.
I think Rotten Ronny DeSantis will try to rule more in the style of Fulgencio Batista, Castro's predecessor. Ronny prefers the flash to the substance.
Well actually the rethungs did try to refuse aid to
Sandy victims in blue states.
Oh right, short memory.
Eck!
DeSantis seems to understand his game:
Indeed the first rule of what might be called “The Netanyahu Guidebook for Successful Populists” is that you can never have enough existential threats to your country.
The second is that any leader, even one of a small nation, should not be scared of taking on the president of the United States. America offers many avenues to influence policy while bypassing the White House; Mr Netanyahu calls this “The Theory of Public Pressure”. He glories in telling how he used every means—media appearances, lobbying Congress and currying favour with evangelical pastors—to spar with presidents, notably Bill Clinton and Barack Obama, who differed with him on both the Palestinian and Iranian issues.
The third rule is to adopt the latest political techniques for domestic campaigns. Mr Netanyahu was one of the first non-American politicians to import the methods of Republican strategists. In 1996 he employed Arthur Finkelstein, who conducted surveys and focus groups to find the subjects that most aroused voters’ fears and hatreds (he is credited with making “liberal” a dirty word in America). As a result, Mr Netanyahu appealed to voters’ Jewish identities and accused his rivals of plotting to “divide Jerusalem”.
A fourth rule is to reinvent yourself as the leader of the disenfranchised in opposition to a mythical elite. “To many in the ruling elites I had betrayed my social class. Educated and politically influential, I led the ‘plebeians’ to power,” Mr Netanyahu writes. “Worse, I led them in the wrong direction.” Mr Netanyahu, prime minister for a total of 15 years, can hardly be considered outside the ruling class.
A fifth dictum is to openly embrace power. After one bruising exchange with Mr Obama, who refused to launch a military strike on Iran, he muses that “soft power is good, but hard power is even better”. He cautions against nuance. The key thing in leadership, he insists, is to boil everything down to one uncomplicated sentence: “Say something clear or say nothing at all.”
When it comes to Floriduh I actual cheer sea level rise. Feel bad about it. A little.
The good people who live there should leave, while they still can ...
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